The Concept Sorting Machine

Part of the Theoretical Framework of the research Amsterdam Sorting Machine​

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Jaap Draaisma,

Amsterdam, 

October 2024 - May 2025

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Table of Contents

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1. Introduction

2. Exploring dictionary and daily use

  2.1 From Sorting to Sorting Machine

3. Sorting Machine in certain scientific disciplines

  3.1 Economics and Sorting out

  3.2 Cities & Neighborhoods and Sorting out

  3.3 Education and Sorting out - Sorting Machine

  3.4 Sociology and Sorting out

  3.5 Philosophy of Law and Sorting out

  3.6 The Sorting machine in the different disciplines

4. Conclusion

5. Lastly 

Bibliography

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1. Introduction

Amsterdam attracts large numbers of newcomers every year. Nearly 10% of the population has arrived annually in recent years. Most of them leave again in no time; they can't stay in the city, have to leave quickly, and have no chance of putting down roots, emancipating themselves, or becoming Amsterdammers. That's why we call it the Amsterdam Sorting Machine. Unlike 20 years ago, the city no longer functions as an Emancipation Machine for most newcomers. The selection of who can stay and who can't, the current sorting system in Amsterdam, is not neutral; not everyone has the same opportunities. It's primarily based on money: those with the most money (income or assets) are able to stay. Not only most newcomers, but also local youth have little chance of staying here. 

 

As long as Amsterdam remains incredibly popular, that selection will continue: far more people want to live here than there will ever be enough housing. But then make sure Amsterdam doesn't increasingly become a city of the rich (three times the modal income and more). Create a sorting machine that doesn't primarily select based on money, but instead sets social criteria. 

 

So that key professionals can live in the city, those who, through their voluntary work, take every possible initiative and keep the city afloat, the social ties in neighborhoods and districts that support vulnerable people, the people who have lived here for a long time and carry the city's history. In my view, the current selection process is largely unfair; in that sense, Amsterdam Sorting Machine is meant as an indictment.

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Do not let Amsterdam become London on the Amstel.

Make Amsterdam Sorting machine more social.

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The concepts Sorting and Sorting machine

Our observation that more newcomers than ever are entering Amsterdam, but often leaving quickly, led to the idea of ​​the city as a sorting machine. Who leaves and who stays? How does this sorting process work? 

Every city where newcomers arrive and where people leave will function as a sorting machine in some sense. The question of "who stays, who leaves" is always relevant. And so, you can always investigate how this sorting process works. 

In our framework, we specifically address the question of whether it is a necessary condition for the current Global City to attract large numbers of newcomers and, from them, quickly select the people who are crucial to its continued functioning as a Global City. This is based on the idea that Global Cities are waging a "War on Talent" to maintain and strengthen their position as Global Cities (Florida, 2024; McKinsey & Company, 2001).

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Figure 1 'War on talent' (Advertentie “War On Talent”, 2022)

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Elsewhere, we delve deeper into the concepts of Global City and War on Talent; here, we explore how the term "sorting machine" is used in everyday life and in science. And how, with that knowledge, we can better define or describe our use of the term.​

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2. Exploring dictionary and daily use

In common usage, the word sorting machine is a machine for sorting products, such as potatoes, onions, or mail.

 

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                       Figure 2 Afval sorteren (RataPlan, 2020)

 

Because sorting can be accomplished in ways other than a sorting machine, the concept of sorting will be discussed first. Sorting is defined in the Dutch dictionary (nd) as follows: "sorting is selecting and putting together things that belong together." Synonyms include: arranging, marshaling, sifting, and sorting.  

Nowadays, data sorting is crucial. This is done using algorithms that allow current data and developments in numerous areas, from currencies, stocks, consumer behavior, to the arrival and departure of city residents, to be presented in no time. This is the work of IT specialists and data analysts. 

How is sorting performed?  
There are many ways to sort: 

• By shaking and shaking; for example, with a sieve; potatoes, onions; 

• Sorting "by eye" (both by people and with a 'laser eye'); eggs, mail, and also at recycling companies; 

• Using sensors or mechanisms that detect based on criteria and send products to different streams or categories accordingly; post 

• The same applies to people, for example by scanning: passport at the border 

• Using algorithms: data, sorting function in Excel

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First observations: 
Sorting occurs in many different ways, from very simple manual work to the most advanced computers. 
In all these cases, sorting is conscious; has a purpose; is performed with intention. 
Sorting can therefore be done for various purposes. 
Based on the purpose, a size or dimension, yardstick, standard, or criterion is formulated, by which the sorting takes place. 
The nature of the selected items is very diverse: from eggs to people. constateringen

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Sorting can be seen in 3 forms: 

• the separation of usable and unusable (recycle), of useful or non-useful (onion, egg), of allowing or refusing (customs)

• the creation of an order, a ‘ranking’ (excel)

• arrange (e.g. post).

 

When separating between usable and unusable, and between useful and useless, you get waste (recycled items), something is left behind (items that aren't allowed into the country), and something is lost (onions that are too big or too small). The essence of this separation is that it includes and excludes. 

When creating a sequence or ordering, no waste is created, nothing is left behind, and nothing is lost. For example, the mail carrier sorts mail by postal code or creates a sequence for ranking.

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   2.1 From Sorting to Sorting Machine

 

Sorting can be done in many ways: from manual to machine-based. Manual sorting, such as with a hand sieve, does not involve a machine. In that case, it's called a sorting mechanism. A machine is a set of mechanisms; the sorting machine consists of various parts, the sorting mechanisms (and a motor and a system). Is the term "sorting machine" useful for this research and can it be used as a metaphor for mechanisms in cities like Amsterdam? 

Google defines a sorting machine as: "A sorting machine is a device or system designed to categorize and separate items based on specific criteria such as size, color, weight, or other distinguishing characteristics." 

Regarding the function of a sorting machine, Google states that they can be used in the food processing industry for sorting and categorizing fruits, vegetables, empty bottles, crates, and other items. Other examples include sorting tablets and capsules by weight for quality control in the pharmaceutical industry, and sorting waste in the recycling industry.

 

Machine in the digital age

The concept of machine arose with industrialization, when steam engines initially took over a number of human actions. This set of actions, combined with an engine (steam, electricity, or otherwise) and a "program" that coordinates these actions, together constitutes the machine. The machine is therefore an instrument for achieving something. In the current digital age, it is questionable whether we can still speak of a "machine." Because the machine had mechanical parts, the proverbial cogs, that set the whole thing in motion. The current, digital machine functions through chips and algorithms. These allow for ever-increasing speeds, also—or especially—in the world of global production, distribution, and consumption. 

 

Liquid and Virtual 

This global economy is reflected in, among other things, large migration flows and a fast, volatile way of life. Philosopher Zygmunt Bauman (2011) calls this latter, in his book "Liquid Times," "living in an age of uncertainty." In doing so, he characterizes the precarious and temporary situation of most newcomers in Global Cities. Moreover, computers are creating a virtual world, not only in games, but also, for example, in the financial and economic world, where money and stocks often no longer have a direct connection to the material, physical world. But in both the liquid and virtual worlds, things are still going on. 

 

Preliminary conclusions

What does the above imply for the intended use of the term "sorting machine" in this study?

• "Sorting occurs in many ways," so sorting by who can stay and who cannot falls under this category.

• "Sorting occurs consciously, with an intention, a purpose." Sorting by who can remain in the city is not a conscious process; however, an implicit goal can be derived from it: maintaining and strengthening the city's position in the global economy. It will have to be demonstrated whether this implicit goal can be sufficiently substantiated. 

• "Sorting occurs based on a measure, a standard, a criterion." The criterion for remaining in the city is primarily income. With a high income, one can remain in the city; without a high income, this is also possible, but much more difficult and, for many, impossible. 

• "The nature of sorting is very diverse", from eggs to people. In the case of this study, people are the unit."

 

The question, of course, is whether the above discussion of 'sorting' also applies to 'sorting machine'. For now, this is assumed, although further research is needed. It is also argued that even in the present day, with a 'liquid' and 'virtual' world, one can still speak of a sorting machine. In the case of this study, the sorting machine is not a physical machine, but a virtual one; with very concrete, physical results. 

This brief overview shows that the concept of sorting is used in relation to people, but the concept of sorting machine is not. However, in this study, the concept of sorting machine does seem applicable in relation to people, so further research will be conducted to determine whether the concept is used in this way in other disciplines or sciences, and if so, what can be learned from it and possibly adopted.

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3. Sorting Machine in certain scientific disciplines

 

​How do different disciplines use the concept, and what is useful in capturing the mechanisms of a city? The concept of a sorting machine is found only in a few disciplines, particularly economics, urban geography, and education.

 

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   3.1 Economics and Sorting out

 

At the intersection of economics and space, such as in spatial economics, urban economics, and economic geography, processes of economically sorting functions and businesses frequently occur. These disciplines use the concept to explain processes of location and relocation, and establishment and departure of businesses in a particular location.

 

The best-known "sorting theory" is the classical location theory (location theory) from the early 20th century. In it, the distance to the Central Business District (CBD), the heart of the city, determines the (land) price (the cost) and thus selects which function and group can locate there. The location is therefore the outcome of this sorting process. The German economist and industrialist Alfred Weber, brother of the famous sociologist Max Weber, can be seen as the founder of the "industrial location theory." In his 1909 book "Über den Standort der Industrien" (On the Location of Industries), Weber describes a model for the optimal location of an industry, emphasizing the minimization of transportation costs. Alfred Weber viewed the city as a sorting machine, a concept he used in his theory of industrial location. He argued that cities, unlike rural areas, naturally attract diverse people and businesses, leading to a greater diversity of activities and residents. The "sorting" doesn't happen based on conscious planning, but rather as a natural process, in which the city attracts the people and businesses that best suit its structure and needs. The "sorting" isn't a conscious act, but rather a result of the dynamics and characteristics of the city itself. In essence, Weber described the city as a place where the forces of economics, demography, and geography converge to create their own unintended order (Weber, 1909). 

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Location theories and economic geography were subsequently further developed by, among others, Burgess 1925 (Meyer, 2000), in the Chicago School (Owens, 2012) and the German geographer Christaller with the Central Place Theory from 1933 (Getis & Getis, 1966).​

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Over the years, this theory has been adapted: not only do costs determine location, but revenues also play a role and are sometimes decisive. Subsequently, the behavior of stakeholders has also proven to be crucial, and recently, considerable attention has been paid to the role of information and data in location choices. Migration to cities is indirectly addressed in these theories, where work is always considered the primary reason for moving to a city (Cox, 1972, p. 57). The same book argues that selective migration—certain groups from departure areas to attractive cities—always occurs (Cox, 1972, p. 365). Important for this research is that, according to this theory, a selection, a sorting, occurs between those who do and do not migrate. 

The processes of business establishment and departure and the relationship with urban growth have been studied for over a century, particularly in American cities. In these American studies, empirical substantiation and mathematical testing always play a significant role. In recent decades, professors at the University of Amsterdam, including P. Lambooy, ACM Jansen, Robert Kloosterman and Ewald Engelen, have been active at the intersection of economics and spatial planning.

 

So, there's plenty of talk about "sorting mechanisms" in economic publications. This usually involves price differentials (costs, revenues) as a sorting mechanism for the allocation of goods. But behavior and knowledge & information are also cited as sorting mechanisms.

 

Using the aforementioned economic models, in addition to the location behavior of businesses, a wide range of other areas are now being investigated, from the labor market to the urban housing market. Housing market research originally focused on the location of a home relative to the city center. Later, the distance to the edge of the city was specifically used; see, for example, the article by Thissen, Burger & Van Oort (2010): 
"Housing Costs, House Prices, and Urban Size." 
In the urban-economic model, housing income depends on the location of a home within the city. We allow housing income at a location to depend on the distance to the edge of the city, creating a relationship with the size of the city. The regional house price is the net present value of all future, expected housing income. (…) Residents, based on their core preferences, sort themselves. They select a specific neighborhood. (…).

 

The economics behind the housing market is also called real estate economics. This relatively new discipline can be found at VU University Amsterdam (Professor of Real Estate Economics J. Rouwendal) and the Amsterdam School of Real Estate, among others. Here, too, we frequently encounter selection processes (in the real estate market). 

 

The concept of a sorting machine is absent from spatial - economics literature. Perhaps because, partly stemming from the American tradition, it emphasizes the individual freedom of choice of businesses and consumers. Consequently, it initially pays little attention to the underlying structural processes (the 'sorting machine'), even though these processes are often clearly described as the outcome of its empirical models. The structural aspect remains underexposed, and the machine itself is overlooked. "People sort themselves; that's what people do," is how the above is summarized. People's free will leads to certain patterns and processes. Patterns and processes that recur everywhere. This leads to the conclusion that it is structural in nature. Apparently, people act the same way everywhere out of their own free will. This raises the question of whether, behind that free will, there might be a set of (very) limited possibilities within which it can take shape. By mapping these limited possibilities, it is possible to test the structural pattern of the sorting process in practice. This should reveal whether people actually behave this way and whether the constructed pattern is correct.

 

Assuming that this isn't a consciously organized selection process—no evil genius orchestrating this—but the outcome of urban processes, decisions that underlie them. In other words: this research assumes that it's not primarily a matter of 'free choice' in the form of 'consumer preference' or 'lifestyle,' but rather a process based on the most important structural preconditions of work, housing, income, and wealth. These structural preconditions form the components of the "sorting machine"; they determine how the sorting process takes place. These are premises, presuppositions. The challenge for this research is to substantiate this, to demonstrate that this is the case; can this be tested; can this be made plausible; can this be 'proven'? 
How are these conditions interrelated, in other words: how is the machine structured?  Furthermore: how is this different for each city? -assuming that this varies from city to city.

 

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   3.2 Cities & Neighborhoods and Sorting out

 

Do structural processes of 'sorting' and 'Sorting Machine' also recur in studies and research on the housing market, urban and neighborhood development? And could this be useful for this research? 

In Marcel van Engelen's book 'De Stad' (2024; chapter 11), he writes: "Every city is, of course, always a sorting machine: newcomers can stay longer or shorter. There will always be newcomers and departees." (Van Engelen, 2024). 

Unlike economics, urban studies show an approach that focuses more on the position of people and groups in society. Sorting is more often linked to inequality and (in)justice. For example, former Government Advisor Wouter Veldhuis sees the displacement process in the housing market as a form of sorting: "...a society with losers and winners has emerged. As a result, people are living increasingly farther away from their work or have less access to education or healthcare. This process clearly sorts along income lines and ethnicity." (Urban Planning & Architecture, 2024).

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Radboud Engbersen, an expert in the 'social domain,' sees segregation as a form of 'spatial sorting': "Social divisions are intensifying, manifesting in the spatial sorting of groups and forms of segregation." 
(Engbersen, 2021, p. 45). 

The director of the Rotterdam Architecture Institute (AIR), Patrick van de Klooster, sees gentrification as a sorting effect of the influx of wealthy individuals into a neighborhood: "The sorting effects of the influx of wealthy individuals into Rotterdam's urban neighborhoods." (Liukku & Mandias, 2016, p. 231).

 

Processes of sorting/elimination are also described by various policy officers at the City of Amsterdam. Economic and social elimination are neatly combined in an article by Erik Buursink (2019), urban planner at the City of Amsterdam, in the article "Scale Leap of the Dutch Metropolis" in the magazine Plan Amsterdam: "The intensification of the city center is accompanied by an elimination of functions. This elimination follows a spatial logic: space-intensive businesses (...) and low-density living are less well-suited to the spatial use of the city center. (...) The city is becoming more expensive. As a result of these market forces, an elimination of groups of people and activities also occurs based on economic strength and direct added economic value. Spatial logic is not an argument for this economic elimination, which results in less and less space in the city for cultural production, crafts, urban-care businesses, and housing for people with low or average incomes. An attractive city, on the other hand, offers space for a wide variety of businesses, activities, and people." (Buursink, 2019).

 

Jos Gadet (2014), policy officer for Spatial Planning and chief urban planner at the Municipality of Amsterdam, also mentions the concept: "Who lives where and why? That's a complex question, and to answer it, it's important to look closely at households' housing preferences. These preferences differ, because people differ. Everyone agrees on that. But is it also true that households voluntarily sort themselves out in space based on their preferences? That is, is everyone free to choose their residential location, depending on the extent to which their own preferences align with the level of amenities available at a location?" (Gadet, 2014). 
This demonstrates the transition from the American individualist view of sorting to a more structural view of the housing selection process, in which individual intentions are presented as a component of available opportunities.  

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In the discussion about tackling poor neighborhoods by building more expensive rental and owner-occupied housing there, as part of the "mixing" movement, the concept of "sorting" is present: "In sum, it seems that, despite all the neighborhood mixing policies, the neighborhood remains a spatial sorting of existing inequalities in society. Poor people live near poor people, rich people move into a neighborhood with other rich people" (Miltenburg, 2017). Implicitly, this asserts that poor people have no choice, while rich people do. 

The concept of "sorting" also appears in the literature on shrinking regions, for example, in the article "Urban and rural sorting mechanisms in the approach to shrinking regions" by T. Notten in the Journal of Social Intervention: Theory and Practice, 2013. 

In short, in the literature on the settlement and departure of individuals and groups; on relocations and migration flows, the concepts of "sorting" and "sorting out" are clearly present. This involves both the approach of the structural nature of sorting and that of residential preferences and freedom of choice.

 

Effects

Intentional sorting leads to both intended and unintended effects. In this literature, sorting (out) has a clear intention or goal, but that doesn't mean the consequences always align with the goal; undesirable and even perverse effects also exist. This creates a number of possible effects, consequences (of sorting): intended/intended effects, unintended positive effects, unintended negative effects, and unintended perverse effects; effects that are the opposite of the intended. This can be seen, for example, in urban development and neighborhood development. Spatial sorting (out) of population groups is often an intended effect here: more mixing, less concentration of poorer groups. Undesirable effects arise when a policy of mixing, intended to improve the position of the existing population, actually leads to the displacement of that existing population. A perverse effect occurs when combating segregation in a neighborhood by selling more social housing units actually leads to greater segregation in the remaining social housing stock. 

As in (spatial) economics, income and money play a key role in this literature, alongside preferences. Despite the frequent use of the term "sorting," the term "sorting machine" is absent from this literature.

 

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   3.3 Education and Sorting out - Sorting Machine

 

"Education as a sorting machine" is a recurring theme in educational literature, including newspaper articles like "Our education doesn't have to be a sorting machine" (Trouw Editors, 2022). Louise Elffers, former director of the Kennis Centrum Ongelijkheid Amsterdam (Knowledge Center for Inequality Amsterdam) and professor at Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, also addresses this sorting in her inaugural speech: "By sorting students based on their abilities (...), this becomes a determining factor in the distribution of positions in a meritocratic society." (Elffers, 2023). 

While education is usually seen as the engine of social equality and social mobility, in practice, the opposite often proves to be true. A "meritocratic" society, a society based on "merit" such as talent or high grades, actually leads to inequality, argues philosopher Michael J. Sandel. He explains how education functions as a sorting machine in today's society, ensuring that the best people end up in the most important and difficult positions. In his view, this sorting in education based on "the best" leads to great inequality. Without that being a desired effect of education. The American philosopher discusses "education as a sorting machine" extensively in his 2020 book "The Tyranny of Merit." Chapter 6 of this book is titled "The Sorting Machine" (Sandel, 2020).

 

Some quotes from the chapter The Sorting Machine (Sandel, 2020): 
“Higher education has become the sorting machine that promises social mobility based on merit, but instead protects existing privileges and fosters attitudes toward success that are harmful to the commonality that democracy requires” (p. 213) 
“University admission as a springboard to good opportunities for a good life” (p. 213)

"Universities want to attract the most talented students, regardless of their background, so that they can play leading roles in society" (p. 214)
"Testing programs to sort the American population" (p. 216). 
"The primary purpose of schools/education has become its sorting function" (p. 218)
"Through good selection, the talented can overcome the competition of wealth and privilege" (p. 219) is a meritocratic view. 
"Meritocracy legitimizes the inequality that arises from merit rather than birth. Moreover, a system that celebrates 'the best geniuses' threatens to denigrate the rest, both implicitly and explicitly, as losers and trash" (p. 219)

 

Sandel uses the term "sorting machine" in two ways: as a university admissions system, determining who can enter and who cannot, and as a sorting system within education, determining who can stay (and continue studying) and who must leave. The justification for both forms of sorting lies in the idea that this way, the most talented, the top talent, the best, are selected. 

The city as a sorting machine, as used in this study, concerns both access to the city (sorting by who can enter) and sorting by who can stay. In that sense, this corresponds to the two meanings of the term "sorting machine" as used by Sandel. 

Isn't it confusing to apply the term "sorting machine" to both access to the city and the ability to stay in the city? Are the sorting mechanisms for access to the city very different from those for the ability to stay in the city? Or are they largely the same?

 

Both meanings of the term "sorting machine" are used in this study, and a clear distinction is crucial. This study will primarily focus on the sorting mechanism for remaining in the city; this is how the research began, establishing a relationship with groups who can and cannot remain in the city. However, the sorting mechanisms for accessibility will also be investigated, as this may partly determine the city's position as a global city, and there is likely a correlation between the influx of newcomers and the ability of recent settlers to remain. 

 

Both Louise Elffers and Michael J. Sandel emphasize the consequences of education as a sorting machine for inequality. This research assumes that sorting always leads to inequality; as soon as you make distinctions, equality ceases. The question then becomes whether inequality is always bad. For Amsterdam Sorting Machine, this depends on the purpose of the sorting and the form and degree of inequality that results. When the city is examined as a sorting machine, not only the consequences for inequality within the city are addressed, but also the nature of that inequality and its social consequences.

 

The way that the concept of a machine in the teaching of literature is very useful for it's sharp gain from the use of this term in this study. Both similarities as well as differences. In this study, the sorting function is not as a main focus of the city is considered as Sandel it, however, for the field of education (see above). According to the Global City theory, and Saskia Sassen (1991), which is the primary objective of the Global City, the City's role as the control centre of the global economy, which is seen. To function properly to be able to play it in a continuous influx of "high-potential" employees need, from the talent to be sorted that is, the dynamics of the global economy, which is in the right direction can lead you, to encourage and controlling. The function of the machine is, therefore, the Global City is not a destination, but as a necessary feature or a part of it. However, this type of sorting in the city, it is very different than it is in educational, is difficult to see and it is very implicit.

 

Justification 
The city offers less justification for the sorting process, as taught in education through the philosophy of merit. In Amsterdam, it is more or less tacitly seen as a "natural process." The most explicit justification cited is the need for the city to maintain its competitive position in the global economy (Raspe, 2012; Van Oort et al., 2015). This requires the influx of large numbers of international students and expats. See, for example, a statement by the umbrella organization Universities of the Netherlands (UNL) in a press release dated April 15, 2025 (Puylaert, 2025): "While other countries are taking measures to attract international talent, we are turning our backs on the war for talent. The Netherlands' international reputation is at stake." This statement was made in response to a bill concerning English-language programs. The consequences for cities are usually not addressed in the justification.

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   3.4 Sociology and Sorting out

 

In 2021, the book "Sortiermaschinen – Die Neuerfindung der Grenze im 21. Jahrhundert"  by German sociologist Steffen Mau was published. In it, he calls borders "sorting machines." Mau is a Professor of Macrosociology at Humboldt University in Berlin. He describes the border as a sorting machine as: who is allowed in, who is not. The border as a sieve. 

 

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In his view, borders in our time have increasingly come to function as sorting machines that separate 'desirable' people from 'undesirable' fellow human beings. Here he describes how it is in Germany, and other countries and are organized, and the changes in the global mobility and, especially, the importance of this, modern citizenship, and their inter-relationships in the community. His main focus is on the position of the refugees, all of the large group of migrants.

 

The machine, as shown in this study is introduced, it does not appear as ‘inhumane’ as well as of the More (in 2021). Those who enter the city and in the city, and those that were not able to come or not, in terms of desirable and undesirable " people, to be described? As a part of the people who live in the city, and will continue to himself as a ‘bad’ companies. Which it is lent, and what is More, and it's not in the office, of course, be of a different order. However, the machine is numb, has no morals; it is, in that sense, it is a real thing. Its preparation is very hard and the results for those who would like to stay, but that is not to the emotions, sorrows, and pain.

 

An essay in Trouw by Arnon Grunberg (2021), titled "Let our borders remain porous," further explores Mau's (2021) book. This essay serves as an introduction and review of the book. One passage reads: "Mau emphasizes that the invisibility of the border does not mean it no longer exists." (Grunberg, 2021). Following on from "the invisible border," one could also speak of "the invisible sorting machine." In the case of the Global City: the invisibility of the sorting machine does not mean it doesn't exist. 

This study assumes that the city, the Global City, is highly accessible; it receives a very large number of newcomers annually. Of course, not everyone who wishes to do so can settle in Amsterdam, partly due to the borders currently being erected, as Mau (2021) describes, but also due to barriers such as insufficient and overly expensive housing. Despite the Amsterdam city council's slogan: "everyone is welcome," many people do not succeed in settling in the city. 

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Mau (2021) writes that: “the freedom of movement is shown to be the privilege of only a few wealthy elites.” However, the more than 40,000 foreigners who settled in Amsterdam in 2023 cannot be considered a “few wealthy elite.” The majority of them are students (probably some from the “wealthy elite” of their country) and low- or moderately paid labor migrants. What portion of Amsterdam's influx could fall under the concept of “wealthy elite” depends primarily on the definition of “wealthy.” If this is equated to the IND standard for the European Blue Card and “knowledge migrants” (75,000 gross per year; roughly twice the modal income), it can be estimated that a maximum of one-third of both the foreign and domestic influx falls under this standard. This is a very rough estimate based on the influx of non-EU citizens and new jobs in fintech, IT, and international services.

 

The way in which Steffen Mau (2021), the concept of Sorting and conditions, and is particularly useful for this study in relation to the accessibility of the city centre. The sorting mechanisms determine who may or may not stay, however, it provides little basis. More, it describes in particular, the effect of the uncertainty that people face who are temporarily in the city, in anticipation of their future state. This raises the question as to what this situation means for the citizenship of those persons who are, as is More it is called, “waiting for the inside of the gate”, located in: people that still remains to be seen whether they are in the office or not. In other words, what are the consequences, and the broader implications of the machine to the heart of social life in the city, though for those who don't know, if they can, should, or want to continue? As a rough estimate is that a quarter of a million people (about 80,000 new entrants per year, on average, are less than 3 years). This will be a question of fundamental importance for the city life together: what is the impact of the continuing influx of uncertainty in the social fabric of the city, in the language of democracy in the broad sense, election, and the quality of life, the neighbourhood, the culture, etc., etc.?

 

A large influx of potential talent is the prerequisite for the city to function as a sorting machine for recent settlers. However, this does not mean that the city is accessible to everyone or that there is no selection upon entry. On the contrary, as Mau (2021) also shows, national borders act as an initial filter that blocks potential settlers. So, even now, selection based on access is taking place: many who would like to settle in the city are denied that opportunity. The central questions are who has access and who can stay. A paradox seems to be emerging here: more access means fewer opportunities to stay, because departure is necessary to make room for new settlers; less access, on the other hand, means a greater chance of staying. In other words: the Sorting Machine can operate faster or slower, with more or fewer people leaving, and more or fewer people staying.

 

The city as a sorting machine could therefore initially be seen as the mechanism, the regulation of access: who is allowed in, who can, and how does it change? Then, those who are inside, who are allowed in, are sorted out—that is, through the city's functioning, they are allowed, able, or willing to stay, or not. Both aspects of sorting must be addressed in a study of the city as a sorting machine.

 

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   3.5 Philosophy of Law and Sorting out

 

In the summer of 2024, a debate featuring legal philosophers on Steffen Mau's book took place on Dutch television, moderated by Arnon Grunburg (NPO Start, 2024). Debate participant Hans Lindahl, a legal philosopher, said: "For me, the border is a process of inclusion and exclusion. Describing it as a sorting machine doesn't go far enough for me." Legal philosopher Tamer de Waal then wondered for whom the border is open and for whom closed. Hans Lindahl indicated that, for him, globalization is a new way of becoming local, in which the process of inclusion and exclusion marks the boundary between the Self and the Strange. Professor of Public Administration Kutsal Yesilkagit then argued that borders are always porous and complex. Grunburg discussed the difference between the Self and the Strange: "The disappearance of differences means that an emancipation process is taking place, so that you can no longer recognize the stranger as such, who no longer arouses fear and aggression."

 

If we view the newcomer in the city as the Other, do those who can then remain in the city become the Equal? ​​The newcomer who becomes an Amsterdammer?

This is, of course, the debate raging in Amsterdam—since the enormous influx of newcomers—about what constitutes a “real Amsterdammer.” This has been the subject of articles like Robert Vuijsje's weekly series "De Echte Amsterdammer" (The Real Amsterdammer) in Het Parool since 2023; and columns in the Amsterdamse Uitkrant newspaper. The differences between newcomers who stay and the existing population are now greater: newcomers who stay are on average much wealthier than the "established" population, largely speak English, are more likely to be single, form fewer families, and have fewer children (Onderzoek & Statistiek, 2023). These differences are not disappearing, or are much less pronounced than before, due to the size and character of the group of newcomers who stay. This was addressed at the starting point of this research; the documentary "Amsterdam from Emancipation Machine to Sorting Machine" (Draaisma & Campagna, 2021). Who can stay and who cannot? Those who stay are no longer the outcome of an emancipation process, but rather the outcome of a sorting process. Another chapter of the Theoretical Framework further explores the City as Emancipation Machine, as Growth Machine, and other machines. It addresses questions such as: Was the city ever an emancipation machine? And was there a sorting machine back then? Who could stay, and who had to leave? Was there so little pressure on the city that everyone who wanted to could stay?

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The majority of newcomers stay in the city for only a few years and have already left by the time they turn 30, before they can start a family, find a permanent job, or even find a home. See elsewhere on our website, under "Length of Residence in Amsterdam." The newcomer remains the Other and has already left the city before they can become the Equal, but will the newcomer who stays actually become the Equal? ​​These are questions that will be explored in the social chapter of "City as Sorting Machine."

 

Another line of thought from the previous one: if there is no longer any distinction between what is familiar and what is foreign, then the country or city has lost all authenticity and is interchangeable with any other; therefore, no longer recognizable, without a soul. What becomes the character of the city when the Sorting Machine is characterized by a strict selection process? This is the topic of the discussion surrounding "Amsterdam as a Hotel." This question is raised in Marcel van Engelen's book "De Stad" (2024). For this research, several points can be drawn from this legal-philosophical debate, such as the terms "inclusion" and "exclusion," which describe whether you can stay in the city or must leave, how this works, and who is allowed to stay and who is not.

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   3.6 The Sorting machine in the different disciplines

 

The term "sorting machine" is used in several disciplines. It appears in academic literature on education, urban development, sociology, and (legal) philosophy. This concerns both whether or not one can “enter” (admission, access, etc.) and whether or not one can “remain” (development, rooting, emancipation, etc.). Most literature focuses solely on "entry"; only in educational literature does the sorting process among those who are "in" receive extensive attention. 

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Invisible 

The city as sorting machine is an invisible process. It is always about an invisible sorting machine. About social processes with hard, physical outcomes. “The invisibility of the border does not mean that it isn’t there,” argues Mau (2021). Then it is about sorting out those who can and cannot enter, and those who can stay and those who cannot. There is no physical or legal border involved; it is a sorting process that takes place more or less ‘automatically’, without border guards, rules and laws, inspectors or bureaucrats who determine who must leave and who can stay.

 

Unconscious

The city as a sorting machine is an unconscious process; not intentional, but the result of a combination of several conscious arrangements and rules.

 

Undesirable

Because the city as a sorting machine is an unconscious process, it is initially unclear to what extent its functioning as a sorting machine is desirable or undesirable. However, from the perspective that the city is always—in some sense and to some extent—a sorting machine, the focus is not on the sorting machine itself, but on its outcomes. In other words, on the individual mechanisms that together lead to the outcome. The outcomes must then be assessed for their desirability or undesirability.

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4. Conclusion

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   I. The concept of The City as Sorting Machine is new

 

This concept has not yet been systematically developed, thought through, or described in detail anywhere. This research highlights the city as a sorting machine.

 

   II. The concept of The City As Sorting Machine is meaningful 

 

The term "sorting machine" is used in a number of disciplines. The way it is used, the definition of "sorting machine" used, provides sufficient starting points and elements for working towards a meaningful development of the concept of "the City as Sorting Machine."

 

   III. The components of the Sorting Machine

 

The sorting machine, in this case, is not a physical machine or mechanism, but an invisible one with very concrete, physical outcomes. It is more than a metaphor, a figure of speech based on a comparison. You cannot see it, but it is there. The functioning of the city as a sorting machine has developed over time, not consciously constructed, but the result of many individual decisions. It has an intention, a goal, namely a strong position in the global economy, but without clear direction.

 

The city as a sorting machine consists of:

An engine: the strongest sectors of the economy that want to attract and retain talented (potential) employees

A program: the pursuit of a strong international city

A number of sorting mechanisms: the labor market, the housing market, and the institutional system

• The labor market: which jobs, who gets a permanent position, who doesn't; who earns the highest salary, etc.

• The housing market: housing supply, housing types, who can buy a home, who can rent permanently, housing supply, etc.

• The institutional system: business permits, tax benefits, labor law, housing regulations, etc.

 

Decisions and developments in areas such as the housing market, labor market, and institutional conditions directly influence the functioning of the sorting machine. The relationship between such decisions and the functioning of the sorting machine is therefore a key topic of this research. Because the individual components are constantly subject to change, the sorting machine itself also changes; it is not a static entity, but a dynamic process. The city as a sorting machine can be understood as the sum of various sorting processes, which are sometimes consciously designed and sometimes occur unconsciously. Further investigation of these intentions, whether explicit or implicit, is important to better understand how they operate. In addition to the functioning of the sorting machine itself, this research also focuses on the consequences for the city and its residents: what do these processes mean for social life, the quality of the social fabric, the living environment, and social cohesion?

 

   IV. The Definition of The City as Sorting Machine

 

The City as Sorting Machine can be understood as a virtual mechanism that selects both those who gain access to the city (can enter) and those who can remain in the city (can stay within). This mechanism forms a coherent whole of three components: the engine (the dominant economic sectors), the program (the city's ambition and positioning as an international metropolis), and the sorting mechanisms (the labor market, housing market, and institutional framework).

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The sorting process that determines who can enter the city differs fundamentally from the process that determines who can stay. How exactly these processes differ, and which factors play a role in them, is an important topic for further research.

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5. Lastly 

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Aim of this research

The aim of this research is to further develop the theory of the Global City as Sorting Machine, including a comparison between different cities. This aims to better understand the development of Amsterdam and other Global Cities and to offer insights that can contribute to a more socially just functioning of the city as a sorting machine.

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The core of this research is to better understand the process of inflow of newcomers and outflow of departees, in Amsterdam in particular and in Global Cities in general. This is based on the idea that a good understanding is necessary to enable change. To quote Karl Marx: it is not just about understanding the world, but above all about changing it.

 

Not a Neutral Sorting Process

American philosopher Michael J. Sandel (2020) describes education as a sorting machine, where both the sorting of who gains admission (for example, to prestigious universities) and the sorting of who is allowed to stay and graduate are central (Sandel, 2020). A university's successful functioning requires a broad and diverse influx of talented young people, while its successful functioning also depends on producing a significant number of exceptional graduates. The sorting process is therefore designed to accommodate this. Sandel (2020) emphasizes that these sorting processes are never neutral or value-free, but rather an expression of the dominant values ​​and power structures in a society.

 

In line with this approach, it can also be argued that the city's sorting processes, both in terms of entry and retention, are not neutral, value-free processes, but rather express the prevailing values ​​and power relations in the city. For a city to function effectively, it's crucial to attract a broad and diverse group of newcomers annually, including students and young professionals from the Netherlands and abroad. Temporary, affordable rental housing is especially important for them, after which they typically leave the city. For graduates and other highly educated talents seeking well-paying jobs, expensive private sector rental housing is initially available, with the option of purchasing a home later. To remain in the city permanently, a high income, substantial assets, or access to family capital are generally necessary.

 

Amsterdam's social housing stock (over 40% of all housing) doesn't consist exclusively of temporary, small studios for young people. The majority are two- and three-bedroom units with permanent leases, intended for home seekers with a gross income below €50,000 (2025 price level). Despite the long waiting lists (an average of over 11 years), there are opportunities for people with lower incomes to find stable and affordable housing in Amsterdam. However, in practice, those seeking permanent housing in the short term are almost exclusively those with a high income or substantial assets.

 

The city, as a sorting machine, thus favors wealth and privilege when determining who can stay. Those who work in essential, vital professions often lack access to affordable housing and therefore cannot remain in the city. The same is often true for young people who grew up in the city.

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